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By HeeMin Kim

As Asian international locations grow to be worldwide fiscal powers, many suffer primary political modifications. In Korean Democracy in Transition: A Rational Blueprint for constructing Societies, HeeMin Kim evaluates the previous thirty years of political swap in South Korea, together with the choice of the authoritarian executive to open up the political strategy in 1987 and the presidential impeachment of 2004.Kim makes use of rational selection idea -- which holds that folks decide to act in ways in which they suspect will provide them the main profit for the least expense -- to provide an explanation for occasions primary to South Korea's democratization approach. Kim's theoretical and quantitative research offers a context for South Korea's awesome transformation and provides predictions of what the longer term may possibly carry for constructing international locations present process related transitions.Although there are experiences within the box of Korean politics that offer an outline of this crucial interval, there are none that provide the theoretical and analytical rigor of this research. Combining theoretical views with policy-relevant dialogue, Korean Democracy in Transition sheds new gentle at the Korean version of democratization and makes an important contribution to the sector of comparative politics.

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Korean Democracy in Transition: A Rational Blueprint for Developing Societies

As Asian international locations grow to be international financial powers, many suffer primary political changes. In Korean Democracy in Transition: A Rational Blueprint for constructing Societies, HeeMin Kim evaluates the previous thirty years of political swap in South Korea, together with the choice of the authoritarian govt to open up the political strategy in 1987 and the presidential impeachment of 2004.

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Extra resources for Korean Democracy in Transition: A Rational Blueprint for Developing Societies

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They can share political rewards (power) only by becoming a governing party. The more parties there are, the harder it is for any party to achieve this goal. To become a governing party, it is easier for it to merge with the existing governing party or to merge with other opposition parties and beat the governing party candidate in the next presidential election. The three Kims, the leaders of the three opposition parties, were known for their decades-long presidential aspirations, and they all knew these shortcuts to the presidency (Kim HeeMin 1992).

I further assume that, in the Korean context of coalition bargaining in 1990, party members’ preferences coincided with their leaders’ preferences. To the extent that this assumption is true, we can explain party behavior by looking at the interests of party leaders. The plausibility of this assumption is assessed in the final section of this chapter. In this chapter, coalition theory is used to explain the party merger in Korea. Coalition theory is a branch of rational choice theory intended to explain the coalition behavior of different sets of rational actors.

President Roh in the DJP, Kim Jong-pil in the NDRP, Kim Young-sam in the RDP, and Kim Dae-jung in the PPD were the dominant leaders. Second, Korean political parties traditionally have not contested the candidacy for national assembly seats within districts. Rather, candidates are nominated by party leaders. Leaders can single-handedly deny an incumbent assemblyman the candidacy in the next election if they so choose (Sohn 1989). Thus, national assemblymen’s reelection and ultimately their careers rest in the hands of a few party leaders.

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